Over 300 people have filed a $15 million lawsuit against farm owners, as well as the provincial and national governments for the damage caused by the fires and the smoke.

UPDATE 4/20 10:07 : It appears meteorologists are about as accurate here as back in the U.S. Changing wind patterns have given Buenos Aires residents a relief from the smoke and a breath of fresh air. The winds are expected to turn back and take a southernly direction by this afternoon, returning the smoke to the city.

The smoke that has blanketed Buenos Aires for the past week will continue through at least Wednesday, Servicio Meteorologico Nacional warned today. On Wednesday the wind patterns will provide a respite from the smoke choking the city, however the relief will be minor and short lived.

For city residents the negative health affects of living downwind from a 173,000-acre grass fire are starting to take hold. Over 400 people have been admitted to hospitals for smoke related ailments, prompting the Ministry of Health to declare a yellow alert for hospitals, ophthalmologists and pediatricians. Authorities in La Plata have recommended people not leave their homes unless absolutely necessary.

Smoke clogs the streets and obscures the view of the Obelisco in Buenos Aires

Carbon monoxide levels have been steadily rising in Buenos Aires, with levels as high as 17 ppm detected. Symptoms of carbon monoxide exposure include headaches, dizziness and nausea, which worsen with long-term contact. Prolonged exposure to fresh air is required for carbon monoxide to clear from the bloodstream, something that is currently in short supply in the Buenos Aires area.

Adding to the misery of residents in Capital Federal, transportation cuts are still in effect. Highways Ruta 9, 12 and 14 are closed, all departures from Retiro bus station are cancelled and Aeroparque Jorge Newberry has been closed because due to poor visibility. All flights have been diverted to Ezeiza, however visibility problems there have led to numerous cancellations and delays. Supte lines A, B and D are closed and C is running with lengthy delays.

Officials confirmed in a press conference today, that new fires have been detected along Ruta 12. Police officials said they spotted “two people on horseback setting fires, and in another area a tractor with a trailer on fire – which is the typical method employed for burning pastures.”

The fight against the fires in the Parana Delta is proving to be strikingly ineffective. Over 297 separate fires are currently burning and there are only 300 firefighters in the area to combat the blazes. Another 300 firefighters are being held in reserve and will rotate in to relieve those on the front lines. With such a glaring lack of manpower, the government is admitting that it cannot stop the blazes. The Secretary of the Environment, Ramina Picolotti, conceded that “humans can not put [the fires] out, we can only help nature.”

Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo confirmed today that two people are in custody in connection with starting the fires and a third is being searched for. Additionally the government has leveled charges against 200 farm owners for their liability in starting the fires.

“This is not a forest fire, it’s the burning of grasslands for greed and personal gain which has caused enormous risk to the population and enormous expense to the state. It’s unacceptable,” Picolotti stated in a press conference today. However the government has taken care to say their charges against the 200 farm owners have nothing to do with the ongoing negations to resolve the campo crisis.

The agricultural sector has responded angrily to the charges. Vice President of the Rural Society, Hugo Biolcati argued that "it is extremely unfair and unwise to hold an entire sector responsible, such as farmers, for the actions of individuals." Today in an escalation of rhetoric, the farmers unions threatened to restart the strikes that crippled Argentina’s highway system and blocked food delivery to Buenos Aires for three weeks.

RELATED:

- State of Emergency: Highways to BsAs Closed

- Government Blames Farmers For the Delta Blaze

- BsAs Darkened By Smoke From Delta Grass Fires

- No Respite From Smoke Until Wednesday

- Government Blames Farmers For the Delta Blaze

- BsAs Darkened By Smoke From Delta Grass Fires

UPDATE 4/23 7:42 The dense cloud of smoke has returned to Buenos Aires, bringing with it a familiar smell and the expected round of transportation cuts. Visibility has dropped to 400m in the city and large sections of Rutas 9, 12 and 14 are all closed. Retiro bus station has stopped service to the northern part of Argentina as well as Brazil and Uruguay.

UPDATE 4/18 17:42 The Servicio Meteorológico Nacional (SMN) is stating that winds from the north will continue through next Tuesday, bringing a steady stream of smoke into Buenos Aires. SMN additionally warns that the smoke will be especially bad this evening, resulting in "zero visibility in the city."

UPDATE 4/18 17:26 The Government has filed formal charges against 200 farm owners for the Parana Delta wildfire. In an attempt to distance the charges from the ongoing campo negotiations, Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo appeared on Radio 10 and stated that the charges have "nothing to do with the discussions with the agricultural sector."

With grass fires in the Delta still raging out of control, the smoke in the Capital is becoming increasingly intense. The poor visibility has forced the government to declare an emergency and close many of the main entrances to Capital Federal. The Panamericana between Campana and Pilar, autopista La Plata-Buenos Aires from Hudson to the Capital, and Rutas 9 and 12 are all closed to road traffic.

Additionally, Retiro station has suspended bus departures indefinitely and the Aeroparque Metropolitano is only operational for departures. Supte line C is closed and all other lines are operating with significant delays.

NASA Image showing the fire locations – outlined in red. The fire has spread to over 270 sq-miles.

According to Ernesto Arriaga, a spokesperson for the Direccion de Vialidad Nacional, there are locations where visibility on the autopistas drops to as low as 5 meters. On the highway connecting Ezeiza airport and Capital visibility never exceeds 200 meters.

The Servicio Meteorologica Nacional (SMN) is reporting that because of an "unusual phenomenon" the smoke will continue to hang over Buenos Aires for the foreseeable future. Winds from the North are transporting smoke from the Delta fires into the city and according to the SMN, "if the fires continue to be active, the smoke will persist."

The Secretary of the Environment, Romina Picolotti, has acknowledged that so long as the fire in the Delta continues, the dense smoke covering the city will continue. Picolotti has also said that the government is unable to stop the blaze, and is currently only working on containing the fire which has spread into Entre Rios. In statements to Radio Americano, Picolotti said that the fire will only be brought under control "if nature helps us."

Smoke blanketing the city of Buenos Aires.

Related:

Por la acción de los vientos, el humo se quedará varios días (Clarin)

Cerraron los principales accesos a la Capital Federal (Clarin)

El humo se incrementa y complica los accesos a Capital; emergencia vial (La Nacion)

Smoke on the Water…. and in the Sky Over Buenos Aires (A Texan in Argentina – Personal Blog)

UPDATE 4/18 17:42 The Servicio Meteorológico Nacional (SMN) is stating that winds from the north will continue through next Tuesday, bringing a steady stream of smoke into Buenos Aires. SMN additionally warns that the smoke will be especially bad this evening, resulting in “zero visibility in the city.”

UPDATE 4/18 17:26 The Government has filed formal charges against 200 farm owners for the Parana Delta wildfire. In an attempt to distance the charges from the ongoing campo negotiations, Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo appeared on Radio 10 and stated that the charges have “nothing to do with the discussions with the agricultural sector.”

Following tense negotiations with agricultural groups over the campo crisis, the Kirchner administration placed blame for the Delta fires squarely on the farming sector.

Buenos Aires as seen from the Rio Plata today.

“There is no doubt…those responsible are farmers who are showing a great disinterest in the community, an inconceivable irrationality and enormous irresponsibility. They are not measuring the consequences, just maximizing their profits ” proclaimed Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo, speaking from the Casa Rosada.

The attacks against the agricultural sector closely follow the tact taken during the height of the strike, two weeks ago. At the time President Christina Fernandez de Kirchner accused the farmers of extorting the government. Additionally she painted the farmers as greedy and selfish with statements such as “When the cows become fat it is for them and the hardships are for everyone else.”

The Vice President of the Rural Society, Hugo Luis Biolcati quickly responded to Randazzo’s charges, asserting that the government is trying to take advantage of the disaster and affect the ongoing negotiations.

Palermo, Buenos Aires under a cloud of smoke.

“It is extremely unfair and unwise to hold an entire sector responsible, such as farmers, for the actions of individuals,” argued Biolcati. The Vice President of the Agrarian Federation, Ulises Forte openly questioned the Interior Ministers motivations, saying “I think there is a clear policy intent of the Government to distract from the heart of the debate and to distract the public with the disaster. What is happening is very serious. But much more serious is the political infantilism, you can not blame the farmers. “

The agricultural sector has recently been accusing the government, and specifically Randazzo, with resorting to pressure tactics. With the negotiations between the government and the agricultural sector stalling, both sides are looking for maneuvering room to bring about a favorable resolution.

Randazzo admits that they don’t know who started the fires, but insists that they “are conducting investigations to find those responsible.”

To date, no one has been charged with starting the fires.

Parana Delta fires as seen from the air.

Related

La Presidenta también vinculó al humo con la actividad agraria y habló de irresponsabilidad (Clarin)

La quema de pastizales se coló en el conflicto con el campo (La Nacion)

UPDATE 4/18 17:42 The Servicio Meteorológico Nacional (SMN) is stating that winds from the north will continue through next Tuesday, bringing a steady stream of smoke into Buenos Aires. SMN additionally warns that the smoke will be especially bad this evening, resulting in "zero visibility in the city."

UPDATE 4/18 17:26 The Government has filed formal charges against 200 farm owners for the Parana Delta wildfire. In an attempt to distance the charges from the ongoing campo negotiations, Interior Minister Florencio Randazzo appeared on Radio 10 and stated that the charges have "nothing to do with the discussions with the agricultural sector."

Smoke clouded the Buenos Aires skyline this afternoon, the result of island grass fires in the Parana Delta. Strong winds are driving the smoke down river, creating severe visibility problems on the highways and enveloping the city in an acrid odor. The fires are located 30 minutes north of Buenos Aires and provincial governments are proving unable to extinguish them.

Buenos Aires obscured by smoke from the delta fires.

The fires are consuming grasslands in the Parana Delta, a complex network of islands, rivers and mainland, 30 minutes north of Buenos Aires. The fires are currently not accessible by overland vehicles, leaving the government with few options in extinguishing them. Firefighters are trying to dampen the flames through the use of water delivering helicopters, however that is proving ineffective as the fires rage on into the second week.

The provincial governments are working in tandem to prevent the fires from moving upriver and into the farming pastures of Entre Rios.

The Interior Ministry closed over 200km of highways today as a safety precaution. With visibility described as "virtually zero," the notoriously dangerous Ruta 9 became impassable. Already this week numerous accidents on Ruta 9 have left 4 dead and more than 20 injured.

Two men suspected of starting the fires have been detained by police, although neither has been charged with a crime. The authorities are still searching for the cause of the fires.

www.lnteve.com

Related

Otra vez, humo y mal olor llegaron a Capital (Clarin)

El Gobierno prohíbe circular en un tramo de la ruta 9 (INFOBAE.com)

Smoky (GoodAirs)

Smoky Skies (line of sight)

Fire Haze Shrouds Argentine Capital (Washington Post)

A massive ‘white elephant’, a road that stops in mid air and a man made island with a building on it that looks like it belongs in The Smurfs.

What is it that connects these things? The answer is that they are all unfinished constructions that can be stumbled across on a wander around Buenos Aires.

In recent years Buenos Aires, and indeed the rest of Argentina, has been experiencing a development boom. It has in fact been described by property developer John Boyle as the largest in the nation’s history.

But it is the regularity with which ambitious projects seem to be left unfinished that grabs the attention of so many. Dramatic empty buildings with no windows or doors, unfinished developments that seemed so impossible that it is a marvel that the project was ever approved, even roads that stop in mid air… All can be seen in Argentina’s capital and all lead to one big question: how is this possible?

The San Telmo Road to Nowhere. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

The economic crash is often cited as a major cause of Argentina’s unfinished projects, and this does make for a poetic explanation. A decaying shell of a building is certainly a dramatic symbol of Argentina’s rapid economic demise in 2001. Unfortunately however the economic crash does not always represent a reasonable explanation. The dates quite simply do not add up.

Poor financial management is a frequently speculated explanation, as is financial and political corruption. Some have even suggested that Argentine culture is to blame, saying that the laid back, unrestrained nature of society is partly responsible for the premature abandonment of these projects.

This argument, although popular, has been described by sociologist Adrian Krupnik as ‘risky’. Indeed, as fellow sociologist Guillermo Jajanovich puts it: “To refer to the mentality of a nation in the hour of explanation of unfinished projects is not constructive or accurate.”

So what really lies behind this phenomenon? Even if for no other reason than pride, you would think that to be in charge of a development and then leave it unfinished, would seem like an unattractive idea. Money and politics certainly have some part to play in it and through the exploration of some bizarre and dramatic examples I hope to find a more worthy answer than ‘oh, that’s just Argentina’.

White Elephant

White elephant – ‘A supposedly valuable possession whose value is outweighed by its cost.’

The building, now known as the ‘white elephant’, that resides in the shantytown in Barrio General Belgrano had the potential to be anything but. Built during the first Perón era it was designed to be a hospital for people suffering from tuberculosis. Newspaper Clarín stated that, standing 15 storeys tall, the hospital would have been the biggest of its kind in Latin America. Instead the building was never finished; in fact it was not even adorned with windows or doors.

The White Elephant. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Eduardo Lonardi’s ‘capture of Córdoba’ in 1955 which instigated the downfall of President Perón also signalled the end of work on the massive hospital. An understanding of why the newly empowered military was motivated to halt the construction of the hospital is a difficult thing to achieve. However, the story of the ‘white elephant’ is nonetheless extremely useful in exposing an element of Argentine politics that has played a large part in leaving so much of this city unfinished; the continuity, or rather, as Jajanovich puts it, discontinuity of political process.

Instability has never been too far away from Argentine society. Just a momentary glance around you and the results of the economic ups and downs are easily seen, but it is the political turmoil that is so significant here. From 1816 and the declaration of independence to the modern day, Argentine politics has seen a tussle between democracy and dictatorship: Yrigoyen-Uriburu, Perón-Lonadi, so on and so forth.

People living around the White Elephant building. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

In fact, between 1929 and 1976 alone there were six military coups. Even when power was not being won and lost through coups, the form of government was still changing at a rather high frequency. As Jajanovich says, there has often been ‘a lack of continuity of the democratic regime’. This historical context alone illustrates the simple fact that governments, ideologies and personnel were frequently being displaced. It is perhaps unsurprising that numerous projects have remained unfinished in the light of such political inconsistency.

Not To Plan But Not All Bad

While the hospital was never finished, and this was undoubtedly a loss to the city of Buenos Aires, it is interesting to note that 53 years later the space is being put to good use. Initially the ground floor became a home for 54 families who had been hit hard by the economic struggles that have haunted so many in Argentina in recent times. However on the 4th December 2007, the ‘white elephant’ was passed over from the porteño government into the hands of Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a human rights organisation that was started by mothers of the disappeared following the dirty war. The Madres have since made the run down building home to a health centre and two schools, including the Universidad Popular that allows people from one of the city’s most impoverished neighbourhoods to gain a higher education.

The White Elephant. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

The impact that the Madres have had should not be underestimated. One resident described her gratitude by saying: “We give thanks to the mothers because everyone passes by here saying that they are going to do things and they never do.” However on top of this it perhaps illustrates another ‘Argentine characteristic’ that is more positive than empty buildings and unfinished constructions. That is that very rarely are these unfinished projects left to decay. The ‘white elephant’ is just one example of something positive being found in the aftermath of a failed project.

The Road To Nowhere

Nestled in the corner of San Telmo near Parque Lezama is a motorway that splits into roads going in different directions. The right hand one continues happily on its way and is the well known and well used ‘Autopista 25 de Mayo’. The left hand side stops in mid air. No details are spared. The slabs of concrete, the steel cables are all there as if construction was stopped half way through a working day.

So why or how did this happen? The answer turned out to be very difficult to track down and very, very simple. Initially the Ministry of Urban Development’s explanation was straightforward:

“There is no road that stops in mid air. It doesn’t exist.”

“There is no road that stops in mid air. It doesn’t exist.” Photo By: Kate Stanworth

For obvious reasons this was not a satisfactory explanation. Before long however, the secretary to Sergio Levit, head of Urban Development, soon rang back to offer a more detailed explanation.

“The road was going to connect ‘Autopista 25 de Mayo’ with another motorway but then it was decided to be unnecessary.”

For a moment this seemed to be a normal and decent explanation. But then it began to strike me as odd. Is it normal to begin construction on a major motorway before deciding whether or not it is absolutely necessary? But there is honestly no more to the explanation. No corruption, no economic problems or financial mismanagement. Bad planning and bad planning alone is the cause of this dramatic road in San Telmo.

Or perhaps it is just a different, and it must be said less efficient, outlook on construction. The connecting road was necessary and construction began; it was then decided it was not so necessary and construction stopped: simple.

As Jajanovich pointed out, not all urban projects and developments can be explained according to strictly political causes.

A Sporting Island?

The ‘Ciudad Deportiva de Boca Juniors’ – or as it is now known ‘Ex-Ciudad’ – is another example of a project, which although did not materialise as planned, has not gone entirely to waste.

In January 1965, Boca Juniors were granted 40 hectares of the Río de la Plata in order to build a ‘sporting island’. The land was gifted to Boca Juniors although not without conditions. Law No. 16.575 stated that Boca Juniors ‘must build a stadium with a minimum capacity of 140,000, auxiliary fields, basketball courts, tennis courts, a gymnasium, swimming pools and athletic tracks.’ The decree, which was ratified by the senate and congress, went on to say that if Boca Juniors were to fail to achieve the required construction then the land would once again become public land.

Ex-Ciudad Deportiva de Boca. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

In 1979, 14 years after government decree gave the land to Boca, it was decided that Boca Juniors had ‘fallen in breach of Law No. 16.575’.

This is when things start to be handled in a manner that is less than straight forward. The land was indeed repossessed and passed back into government hands. However Boca were allowed to continue with the construction and upon completion were to receive ownership of the land once more. The previously mentioned construction obligations were changed so as not to include the stadium itself and to top it all off, the land that they would now receive was increased by 19 hectares to a total of 59.

Fast forward another three years, to 1982, and Boca have been handed legal ownership of the land despite the fact that still nothing has been finished. One representative for the Association for the Reserve, whose involvement is due to the fact the island sits next to a nature reserve, summed up the fact that the government requirements on construction were ignored by all parties when he nonchalantly said: “We already know, this type of clause is never fulfilled.”

The bottom line is that today, over 40 years later, the island is still not finished. It is the events over the last 40 years however that give insight into why it was not finished and perhaps to why other constructions have gone the same way.

Boca Juniors press department simply stated that ‘it happened ages ago, no one here remembers it now’. But what really caused this project to go unfinished? The fact that the land was obtained without charge and was sold for US$22m could certainly raise a few eyebrows as to who exactly profited. According to ‘Association for the Reserve’: “Many people who had invested in the sporting island were left empty handed.” But perhaps for some it was more profitable for the land to remain undeveloped.

Clearly, the political leniency played a major role; standards and requirements were repeatedly set and then repeatedly not met. Yet nothing was ever done in response to the constant failure to meet the demands. The fact that this was able to happen over a construction project between Boca Juniors, one of the biggest football clubs in the nation, and the national government does not bode well for smaller constructions amongst less powerful parties.

Just like with the unfinished road one must also question the merit of the original project. Put simply, the plan was to build a 40 hectare (today it is in fact 70 hectare) island and put a huge stadium along with other sporting sites on it. Apart from the fact that idea to replace the existing Bombanera stadium (a stadium described by pundits and fans alike as ‘the one and only’ or ‘irreplaceable’) was dubious, there is another question that comes to mind: who builds what would be the largest stadium in Latin America, and perhaps the world, on a man-made island? Land-based sporting arenas are difficult projects as it is, just look at Wembley in London or Slavia Prague’s stadium which took three decades to complete, one could certainly argue that the sporting island of Boca Juniors was always a plan made to fail.

Finally, there is that all familiar thread of political discontinuity running through this story throwing spanners in the works. The sporting island project was only truly killed by the arrival of a new Boca president, Martin Noel, in 1981 and it was all very simple. Noel was not as enthused by the construction of a stadium on an island as his predecessor Alberto Armando and so the dream was over.

Outside the White Elephant. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Boca Juniors Football Club shares a political timeline with the government of Argentina, a history of chopping and changing. In the 103-year history of the football club, Boca Juniors have had 32 presidential changes giving each president an average of three years at the helm. As can been seen with government projects such as the ‘White Elephant’, things are a lot harder to finish when continuity and consistency is such a rarity.

Not To Plan But Not All Bad; Part 2

The outlook for this man-made island is not as bleak as it once was. The land has since passed hands once again, this time for US$51.5m, having been bought by the Argentine property company IRSA. They, in partnership with George Soros, have published plans to turn the island into a ‘city within a city’. With a moat of sorts already in existence, IRSA plan to make a high security, high spec community where the rich and famous can live away from the hustle, bustle and poverty of the city. The plans are controversial for obvious reasons, but once again it is an illustration of a project growing out of the ashes of another.

Ironically, to date this project has also been delayed. This time by the economic problems following the crash in 2001.

Photo By: Kate Stanworth

In the book ‘The Rest’, Ruben Szuchmacher explores the phenomenon of unfinished constructions talking about individual culpability and saying “we feel their acts, their decisions, their negligence.” It is certainly true that single people have had a great impact; plans changed or ended on the whim of individuals.

But is it that simple? The ‘spectacular crash’, as historian Blustein puts it, bought ‘social and political chaos’ which cannot be underestimated in the more recent examples. Yet it seems to be the political systems, or lack of consistency within the political systems, that has most contributed to this ‘Argentine tendency’.

Perhaps then, with the period of stability that the nation is now enjoying, empty buildings and unfinished roads will become a thing of the past.

In February 2007, a fire in Buenos Aires’ worst shantytown highlighted the problems of housing in the capital. A year on, despite government pledges, little has been done to improve the living situation of the country’s most poor and vulnerable, and the housing deficit is bigger than ever.

During the early hours of 8th February 2007, a fire ravaged Villa Cartón, a shantytown built under a motorway flyover in the neighbourhood of Villa Soldati, in the south of the capital. Despite nearly 400 families’ homes being destroyed, no one was seriously injured, although 170 people were treated for the early symptoms of asphyxia, minor cuts and light burns.

Just after the fire at Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Whilst the fire did not destroy the entire villa, the government decided to bulldoze the remaining houses and re-locate all of the shanty dwellers, saying nobody should live in such conditions.

Then-mayor, Jorge Telerman, said at the time: “The fire has exposed our worst problems to us. People are living in undignified conditions… there are limits that should not be passed.”

Just after the fire at Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Construction work soon began on temporary accommodation, and the families were moved to giant emergency tents in Parque Roca as an interim measure whilst the building was underway. It was emphasised that these prefabs were to be a temporary measure, to last for a maximum of six months, and permanent houses would be built.

Some residents at the time were cynical of the pledges, as the decision to relocate the inhabitants of the cardboard shanty had been made before the fire, but it no timetable had been set in stone. One resident, Silvia, said her family had been waiting for a new home for months, and there was only movement after the fire destroyed her home.

Mirta, another resident, echoed Silvia’s fears, adding “the government will build us temporary homes then forget about us,” pointing out the victims of two smaller fires in 2006 were still waiting for the houses promised to them by the government.

Unfortunately it seems both Silvia and Mirta’s predictions have come true.

Returning to meet the former Villa Cartón residents now, it is difficult to say if the temporary housing they are living in is better or worse than the higgledy-piggledy shantytown they used to call home. The rows of pre-fabricated houses look stark in the bright summer light, and inside the houses are hot. Some residents have cut windows out of the sides of the homes to create a bit more air, but only the ones on the ends of the rows have that advantage. The corrugated roofs keep the heat in during the summer, making for stagnant motionless air, but keep do not work the same way in the winter, which they say is far colder and worse, with the homes remaining freezing.

Most of the homes consist of a single room, and in some cases two or three families share this space. The bathrooms are located outside, and whilst basic they seem good enough, until one of the residents, Mabel tells me there has been no running water for five months. It stopped working one day, she says, and despite numerous pleas to the government to come and fix the problem, nobody ever came.

Just after the fire at Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Work has started on the permanent homes, but the residents are cynical about how long it will take for them to be ready – after all, the prefabs were supposed to be a short-term solution, and most of the families have been living there for almost a year.

“We have been abandoned. They say the homes will be ready in six months, but everything is supposed to be done in six months. We were only supposed to be here six months. We think it will be more likely to be two years – work has barely begun on the new homes,” says Lydia, who is currently sharing her home with two other family, making for 12 people under one roof, with no room for privacy.

Just after the fire at Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Mabel echoes her thoughts, adding that the location of the community is a big issue for most of the residents – they are now on the far side of Parque Roca, next to the Riachuelo river, on the very edge of the capital. The prefabs are out of sight, and, the residents believe, very much out of mind. The situation also makes it difficult for those who work – not many buses go by the community, and the ones that do are not regular and don’t run on weekends.

Safety is also big worry for the residents, as the rows of prefabs are isolated behind the park – when the buses aren’t running they take shortcuts through the park but there are many stories of people being threatened on their way home, and tales of rapes and killings that have taken place there, although not to any of the residents. Going out at night is not much of an option, they explain, as getting home is difficult and dangerous.

The last government intervention was in August, just two months after Telerman’s re-election campaign ended in defeat to Mauricio Macri.

And the promises of the previous government have not been kept, and Telerman’s ‘battle against marginalisation’, an ambitious 18-month plan to remove all of the capital’s shantytowns, has been all but forgotten.

Some may call the idea of eradicating the city’s problems in 18 short months ludicrous – after all, problems that have been around for over 100 years will not disappear overnight.

Just after the fire at Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

A history of overcrowding

Buenos Aires has a long history of housing problems. In fact 100 years before the fire in Villa Cartón made the problems hit the headlines, albeit briefly, was the only ever Tenants’ Strike in the history of Argentina.

Back in 1907, the same problems existed in the city: the impossibility for vast sectors of the population to access dignified housing, the high cost of renting, and scarce public policies aimed at supporting or defending the rights of those who didn’t own their own homes.

The problems of 100 years ago and today have similar roots – mass migration to the capital, although a century ago this was in the form of immigration from Europe. Between 1870 and 1930, six million foreigners arrived in Argentina.

These new arrivals came with high hopes of being able to find land to cultivate, but by the turn of the century the prices had gone up due to the production and export of meat and cereal, and the majority of the land was owned by few, generally in the form of large industrial farms.

So the immigrants ended up living in the large cities, mostly Buenos Aires, and working in manual jobs. The cities, however, were not prepared for this influx of people, and the lack of living space soon became a problem.

‘Conventillos’, large houses on one or two floors, with many rooms, mostly measuring 4x4m around a central patio, quickly became a solution. Single rooms would be rented out to an entire family, and the family would sleep, eat and do everything in that one room. The bathroom would be shared, although according to the 1904 census, 22% of the conventillos didn’t have any sort of sanitation or a bathroom.

A prefab home for the former residents
of Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Despite these appalling conditions, the census showed that 10% of the capital’s population lived in conventillos, and the rooms were much sought after. As a result, the owners were able to enforce strict house rules, inspecting the properties at any moment, with the smallest infraction leading to eviction. The tenants had little option but to put up with the rules, as housing was expensive and scarce.

Until August 1907, that is, when the municipal government announced that taxes would increase in 1908. As a result, landlords immediately raised rent in anticipation of these extra overheads. The residents of one conventillo in Barracas decided it was too much to demand more rent for such dire living conditions, and refused to pay their rent, declaring a strike and handing over a document demanding certain conditions be met before they would start paying again, including the suspension of three months deposit, lower rent and better sanitation. The momentum quickly caught on, spreading across the country. In Buenos Aires alone, some 120,000 people participated, around 10% of the city’s population.

The landlords refused to back down and so did the tenants, and the standoff intensified, culminating in the death of a 15-year-old boy at the end of October in a confrontation between the strikers and police. Around 15,000 people joined in his funeral procession across the capital, and again the police responded violently. The government brought in a residency law, deporting the ‘anarchistic’ ringleaders.

Towards the end of November, the movement died down, with each conventillo coming to its own arrangement. In many cases the demands were met by the owners, whilst in others the tenants were left on the street.

Same today?

Wind the clock forward a hundred years and what has changed?

As shown in the case of the residents of Villa Cartón, there is still a huge housing deficit, affecting the poorest people. Migration to the cities continues, either from the countryside across Argentina, or from other South American countries, notably Paraguay and Bolivia. The Argentines coming from the countryside are generally of indigenous or criollo descent, and in some cases have been evicted from their land with little or no compensation to make way for farming. The immigrants from Argentina’s northern neighbours also make up a large proportion of the current residents of many of the main city’s shantytowns.

Prefab houses for the former residents of Villa Cartón. Photo By: Kate Stanworth

Arguably, residents have gone from conventillos to shantytowns, and in a way their situation has worsened as now they have less power – before the withholding of rent would be a trump card they could use to make changes happen. As nobody pays rent to live in a shanty, the most poor and vulnerable are very much dependent on policy changes for improvements to happen. And these are not forthcoming.

In fact, the situation has deteriorated so much that in July 2004 a three-year housing crisis was declared by the Buenos Aires city government. It has been extended and is still in place today.

In October last year, a report on the housing crisis that had been made by the Buenos Aires ombudsman was released. It said: “The number of families who are residing in informal or irregular houses is extensive and growing by the day. In 2002 it is calculated that more than 100,000 people were living in emergency shantytowns, 200,000 are in taken buildings, 70,000 are living in tenement houses, (of which 50% are in an unstable condition for lack of paying the rent), 70,000 are living in lodgings and 120,000 subsidised housing.”

And the problem is growing. In 2006, 19,000 more families were added to the number listed as having housing emergency.

In 2004, the government created a Emergency Housing Fund, to deal with the crisis. Another initiative was PAFSIC, a programme for families who find themselves on the streets, which providing a subsidy of $450 per month over the course of six months, to help them get out of the emergency situation. Critics say this is not a long-term solution, and at the end of the six months, many families have not found a viable housing option and find themselves on the street again. As soon as the six months is up, the families are just added back into the statistics. Others point out that for such a paltry sum, it is nigh on impossible to find a safe place for a family to live.

In essence, there is no serious national housing policy, aimed at making real changes and preventing this cycle. This can be shown by the statistics: the number of people applying for the PAFSIC scheme since it was started in 2006 has risen almost 600%. Many point out that it would be cheaper for the government to build and provide housing than to keep paying subsidies.

And yet whilst the solutions remain far-off, evictions continue – many of them government-backed. According to another report by the city ombudsman on 21st September 2007, an estimated that 2,300 families more would be evicted by the end of the year.

The report states: “The situation of collapse that we are seeing now is the result of years of inefficient policies which have demonstrated a lack of capability to take on and resolve this problem. Essentially, it is the result of a way of looking at this problem as something climatic, an episodic product of a temporary situation.”

Shared dreams

However, one project is stepping up to the challenge. The Madres de Plaza de Mayo (Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a human rights organisation set up by women after their children were disappeared during the last dictatorship) have a building project.

This started in Villa 15, based in Mataderos in the west of the capital, in 2006. Since then, 24 homes have been created and another 48 are nearly finished. The momentum has spread, with 500 homes under construction in Piletón, and close to 300 underway close to Parque Roca, as a permanent solution for the residents of Villa Cartón.

The Madres lobby the government into using its money for social housing, and then run the building projects, with people from the shanties themselves working on the construction, under the guidance of experts.

This provides many of the residents with training and a real sense of purpose in constructing their own future, whilst providing a permanent solution to their housing woes.

Photo By: Kate Stanworth

However, the number of families provided with a housing solution via this means is paltry in comparison to the numbers of families still being evicted and living in unstable situations.

Since 1996 there has been talk of the ‘urbanisation’ of shantytowns, and nothing has happened. Telerman’s battle against marginalisation came to nothing, and workers from the Madres grumble that Macri has so far shown even less interest in resolving the housing crisis, currently being tied up in battles with the uniones.

But unless the government is willing to spend some money on improving the situation of the most poor and vulnerable, history may repeat itself again, and in another 100 years time we may well be in the same situation.

The most recent threat forced the school to evacuate 4,000 students and staff at midday as bomb squads searched the buildings. As in the previous 60 times, no bomb was found.

Schools throughout Buenos Aires received 100 bomb threats last year, with 60 reported at Escuela Superior de Comercio Carlos Pellegrini alone.

Escuela Superior de Comercio Carlos Pellegrini alone

The bomb threats at Carlos Pellegrini were sparked by changes in school curriculum, an explosive topic at a school highly respected for it’s academic rigor. The competitive school carries a reputation for having a militant student body and at one point bomb threats were being called in daily, bringing the school year to a halt. The inability to stem the bomb threats and open a dialog with the students led to the resignation of the school’s rector, Juan Carlos Viegas. Interim rector Hector Pastorino led off the school year with an interview on Radio 10 where he refused to make any changes to the curriculum.

The resumption of bomb threats followed shortly there after.

Using call records police were able to track some of the threats to the cell phone of a 13-year-old boy, but he was not accused of calling in all 60 threats. The recent bomb threat remains unsolved.

Related

Wikipedia: Escuela Superior de Comercio Carlos Pellegrini

Official Site: Escuela Superior de Comercio Carlos Pellegrini (Spanish)

Volvieron las Amenazas de Bomba al Carlos Pellegrini (Clarin)

Suddenly the lack of working fire extinguishers, exposed wiring and water damage in the ceiling didn’t seem so important.

Next to mozzarella cheese, ham, packaged chickens, chivitos and several kilos of rancid meat, were the carefully placed carcasses of two dogs. Both dogs were missing their heads and coats, leading the inspectors to believe that the meat was being used for empanada filling .

The inspectors also discovered that the restaurant was disposing of animal waste and rendered fat by dumping it in the municipal water supply.

The restaurant has been closed indefinitely, and it is unknown how many customers ate the empanadas with dog filling or for how long the restaurant had been serving dog meat.

French was located at Thorne 1461 in the "9 of Septiembre" district of Ituzaingó, a barrio in northern Buenos Aires.

Related

Cierran una pizzería que rellenaba empanadas con carne de perro (InfoBAE.com)

Empanada Recipes – How to Make Empanadas (Latinfood.About.com)

Fodor’s Top Rated Pizza Places in Buenos Aires (Fodors)

Secretary of Interior Commerce Guillermo Moreno, called for emergency powers to be enacted, but final approval rested with the President of the Argentina Chamber of Commerce, Juan Eiras. In order to secure approval, Moreno made numerous "threatening" phone calls to members of the Chamber of Commerce, promising police action against the farms should Eiras resist. By enacting the emergency powers, known as ley de abastecimiento (supply law), the state claims the power to confiscate personal property without providing compensation.

Immediately following the enactment of the supply law, 50 Federal police accompanied by 5 transport trucks raided livestock corrals and forced the ranchers to surrender the animals for slaughter. Initially the trucks were unable to access the ranches, due to dirt berms placed across the roadway by protesting ranchers.

The previous week government forces had tried to quietly secure livestock for slaughter, but were stymied by numerous road closures due to the ongoing protests.

The only news report of the government action was in the online version of La Nacion. This is largely because ranchers are refusing to talk to media outlets on the record, out of fears of government reprisal.

In an additional move to secure produce for local stores, the government is blocking the export of beef from Argentina. At least four transport ships were forced to unload their cargo and return the product for local consumption.

"We were instructed that we could not load containers with meat, and if they were already loaded they had to be removed," said the director of one shipping company, who requested anonymity.

Export regulations are controlled by Lousteau, who was unaware that cargo ships were being forced to unload their containers. Guillermo Moreno ordered the cargo ships blocked, portending a reemerging power struggle between the two governmental agencies.

A week after the strike was called off, supply lines are still having trouble restocking the store shelves. Shortages of meat and produce are still being reported in neighborhoods throughout greater Buenos Aires.

Related:

Government vs. Campo: Reaping What They Sow (Through The Tube)

Moreno hizo cumplir la ley de abastecimiento (La Nacion)

More Economic Good News (GoodAirs)

With grammatical errors and vulgar language, the Presidential daughter advertised her nightly exploits and the lack of personal security employed to protect her while moving about the city. A recent post of her freely riding the subway and posing for photos with a friend landed her on the pages of Caras, a local gossip magazine.

To avoid the wrath of her parents, Florencia regularly changed the name of her blog; from ‘bananarepublic’ to ‘coffeelove’ to simply ‘florky’. Tracking down her latest blog name quickly become a local blogger obsession. A search on Google turns up pages of Buenos Aires blogs proclaiming the latest Florky URL.

With the current problems besetting the Kirchner presidency, Christina decided the publicity surrounding Florencia had to be brought under control. With Presidential declarations having no effect on their daughter, the Kirchner’s resorted to bribery and offered Florencia a deal. Close the blog and a new Mini Cooper manufactured to her specifications will be delivered to the front gates of Casa Rosada.

Accepting the offer, Florencia closed the blog and is now motoring around Buenos Aires in a gray Mini Cooper with black racing stripes. At least she won’t be riding the subways any longer.

The search continues for the new blog name she adopted.

Related:

There’s Something About The President’s Daughter (Time)

Parental Bribery, K Style (GoodAirs)

Wild Child’s Exposure On Web Upsets Presidential Parents (The Guardian)

Cristina le regaló un Mini Cooper a cambio de que cierre su fotolog (Perfil)